No cure in sight: Three corruption cases under Duterte’s watch

By Andie Canivel

These cases gained prominent space and time in media; but not for long. At this point, many

may have forgotten about the cases.

Pharmally

Pogo and “Pastillas”

RODRIGO ROA Duterte proclaimed himself against corruption. Taking office as President, he said he would fight to end corruption in government. It would be a promise he would fail to fulfill in his six years in office. In fact, as scandals rocked his administration, he was unwilling to take the kind of action that could prove the sincerity of his pledge. 

Two major corruption scandals involved the Department of Health (DOH) and occurred at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic: the alleged pocketing of PHP15 billion by Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) officials and the PHP10 billion worth of questionable pandemic supplies contracts awarded to Pharmally Pharmaceuticals Corporation (Pharmally). A third case involved the entry of offshore online gaming companies, owned and managed by foreign nationals — or Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators or POGOs for short. 

These gained prominent space and time in media; but not for long. At this point, many may have forgotten about the cases. Should these fall out of the news agenda completely, it will prove once again how easy it is for those in government to evade accountability. Media fails to follow up on what happened. And people themselves forget about the scandals as they are confronted by new ones now involving different officials, engaged in the same old patterns of corrupt practices that are too many to describe. The point is, so many of them actually get away with it, enjoying ill-gotten wealth with impunity

These gained prominent space and time in media; but not for long. At this point, many may have forgotten about the cases. Should these fall out of the news agenda completely, it will prove once again how easy it is for those in government to evade accountability. Media fails to follow up on what happened. And people themselves forget about the scandals as they are confronted by new ones now involving different officials, engaged in the same old patterns of corrupt practices that are too many to describe. The point is, so many of them actually get away with it, enjoying ill-gotten wealth with impunity

The Senate in the 18th Congress later conducted inquiries in aid of legislation on the DOH’s management of pandemic funds. The Senate and the President’s own Task Force recommended the filing of formal charges against PhilHealth and DOH officials. But no such cases have gone to court.

CMFR recalls the background of these cases and media’s follow-up or lack of it in 2022. The three articles present the ease with which Filipinos enrich themselves at the expense of the country and the good of the people. 

CMFR recalls the background of these cases and media’s follow-up or lack of it in 2022. This first part in a series of three stories covers the PhilHealth corruption scandal in 2020. Two other parts will discuss Pharmally and POGOs.

Philhealth “mafia” and PHP15 billion

What happened: 
In August 2020 Thorrsson Montes Keith, the resigned Anti-fraud Legal Officer of PhilHealth, alleged in a Senate hearing that a “mafia” of PhilHealth executives had “misspent or pocketed more or less PHP15 billion” of the state insurer’s funds. Keith tagged Francisco Duque III, DOH Secretary and thus PhilHealth ex-officio Chairperson, as the “godfather” of the alleged mafia.

How did the government responded:
A number of investigations were launched, with varying results.  

Media’s coverage of the issue in 2022

Media revived the issue as the May elections approached, based mostly on views expressed by other candidates for the Senate and the Presidency.  

“Jessica Soho Presidential Interviews,” drew out discussion about the issue among other Presidential aspirants who criticized those who were in charge and failed to exercise responsibility. Rappler also reported that to some of the aspirants, PhilHealth’s corruption problem reflected poor leadership. 

After elections, media did not return to the issue by way of expanding the scope of investigation, searching for more informants who may have been disgruntled by the failure of the expose to charge more highly placed officials.

Media seemed satisfied to rely on the official capacity to charge and hold accountable officials who may have been involved themselves or whose negligence should have caused them, at the very least to be removed from office. 

Which of course, did not happen.